Trump just delivered a masterclass to Iran as a painful lesson: The Strait of Hormuz can’t win the war for Tehran
Iran Is Losing Its Grip on the Strait of Hormuz – Iran’s most valuable trump card is losing its value. For decades, the Strait of Hormuz was the ace Tehran kept up its sleeve in every confrontation with Washington.
Before this current conflict, roughly 100 ships and 20 million barrels of oil moved through that narrow stretch of water every day. Close it, the theory went, and the world economy would come begging.
More than seven months into the fighting, that theory is coming apart. Iran can still make trouble in the strait. It has, and it will again. However, the economic math has flipped. Iran is bleeding the most from a choked Hormuz right now.

The Blockade Has Turned The Tables
The US Navy reimposed its blockade of Iranian ports in mid-July. According to TankerTrackers.com, as reported by Gulf News, not a single barrel of Iranian crude crossed the blockade line over a 60-day stretch. Iran’s production has fallen to roughly what the country burns at home. Zero exports.
Compare that with March, when Iran was still shipping 1.85 million barrels per day, per Kpler. Kpler estimated Iran’s usable onshore storage could soak up only about two weeks of exports. It also projected a revenue hit of $200 million to $250 million a day once the normal two-to-three-month payment lag caught up. That lag ran out a long time ago.
The currency tells the rest of the story. The rial hit a record low of 2.5 million to the dollar this week, down from 2.2 million less than a month earlier, according to Fox News. That’s a currency that has shed about an eighth of its value in four weeks.
The Ships Are Coming Back Anyway
While Iran’s tankers sit idle, everyone else is slowly finding their way through. Lloyd’s List Intelligence counted 346 non-Iranian-linked transits in August, with westbound traffic into the Gulf at its highest level since the conflict began. Crude tanker transits jumped to 112, up from 72 in July.
Tehran’s own enforcement is fraying, too. Iran’s so-called Persian Gulf Strait Authority published a “banned vessel” list of roughly 56 ships. At least seven of them sailed through anyway.
Then, on September 10, Iran suspended its 10 percent freight charge on foreign vessels to coax shipping back, per Gulf News. You don’t drop the cover charge when the club is packed.
None of that means Hormuz is back to normal. It isn’t. Independent trackers report far fewer daily transits than the White House claims, and Kpler counts as few as 5 to 11 vessels a day, down from a prewar 100.
However, Al-Jazeera reported that some estimates put oil and petroleum flow through the Strait of Hormuz at nearly 80 percent of what it was before the current conflict with Iran began on February 28.
The trend line matters more than the snapshot. Iran no longer decides alone who moves through the strait.
The Pipelines Are The Gulf’s Backdoor
Iran’s Gulf neighbors have spent years building a back door, and they’re using it. Saudi Arabia’s East-West Pipeline can move up to 7 million barrels per day to the Red Sea port of Yanbu.
The UAE’s Habshan-Fujairah line carries about 1.5 million more out to the Gulf of Oman. Abu Dhabi is now building a second Fujairah pipeline that will double export capacity there when it comes online in 2027.
However, let’s not oversell it. Even with Iraq’s Kirkuk-Ceyhan line added, those pipelines still come up roughly 11 million barrels a day short of what Hormuz carried in peacetime. And Tehran knows exactly where they are. The East-West Pipeline was hit on September 10 and only restarted at reduced rates on September 22.
There’s also the Red Sea problem. As one Al Jazeera analysis points out, Saudi Arabia’s bypass ends at ports within reach of the Houthis and Bab el-Mandeb. Iran wants both chokepoints on the table for a reason.
That’s the honest trade-off. The bypasses don’t take away Iran’s ability to hurt the market. They shrink the payoff. Brent was pushing toward $100 a barrel in early September, which is painful. However, it is not the economic apocalypse Tehran spent decades promising.
Iran’s Threats Are Not A Strategy
Tehran’s rhetoric has gotten louder as its hand has gotten weaker. Parliament Speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf warned this week that if Iran can’t sell oil, “no one will sell oil,” and that “no infrastructure will be safe.”
While Tehran’s threats are real, and the Gulf’s energy sites are vulnerable, that is beside the point.
Look at what Iran is actually asking for. Tehran has offered to reopen the strait within seven days in exchange for $12 billion to $24 billion in frozen assets, sanctions relief on its oil, an end to the US blockade, and a halt to fighting across the region.
That’s not the posture of a country holding the high card. That’s a country that needs cash. The Iranian economy is so bad that Iranian President Pezeshkian couldn’t afford his customary luxury hotel suite in Manhattan during the United Nations General Assembly high-level debates. He was forced to stay at Iran’s embassy.
So why isn’t Washington jumping at the deal? One administration official put it bluntly: the US is “in no hurry given its advantage in the strait.” Meanwhile, the White House is releasing up to 40 million barrels from the Strategic Petroleum Reserve to blunt domestic prices.
In essence, that’s the whole story in two sentences. The side that can wait is winning. The side burning through its currency, storage, and customers is not.
Iran built its strategy around a chokepoint it could squeeze at will. A chokepoint works both ways. Tehran is still holding the Hormuz card. It just isn’t worth what it used to be.

